Horner's Corner

Archive for June, 2009

Lost in Paradise

by on Jun.29, 2009, under photography

lost in paradise

Rachel Sussman

via ::: wood s lot ::: “the fitful tracing of a portal”.

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Duty Calls

by on Jun.28, 2009, under comedy

Duty Calls

From:

xkcd – A Webcomic – Duty Calls.

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Lee Miller: Women with Fire Masks, 1941

by on Jun.27, 2009, under photography

Women with Fire Masks, Downshire Hill, 1941

Miller_Fire

Lee Miller

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Zizek on Obama: Why Cynics Are Wrong

by on Jun.27, 2009, under philosophy, politics

Why Cynics Are Wrong
Slavoj Zizek

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Days before the election, Noam Chomsky told progressives that they should vote for Obama, but without illusions. I fully share Chomsky’s doubts about the real consequences of Obama’s victory: From a pragmatic-realistic perspective, it is quite possible that Obama will just do some minor face-lifting improvements, turning out to be “Bush with a human face.” He will pursue the same basic politics in a more attractive mode and thus effectively even strengthen U.S. hegemony, which has been severely damaged by the catastrophe of the Bush years.

There is nonetheless something deeply wrong with this reaction — a key dimension is missing in it. It is because of this dimension that Obama’s victory is not just another shift in the eternal parliamentary struggles for majority with all their pragmatic calculations and manipulations. It is a sign of something more. This is why a good, American friend of mine, a hardened Leftist with no illusions, cried for hours when the news came of Obama’s victory. Whatever our doubts, fears and compromises, in that moment of enthusiasm, each of us was free and participating in the universal freedom of humanity.

What kind of sign am I talking about? In his last published book The Contest of Faculties (1798), the great German Idealist philosopher Immanuel Kant addressed a simple but difficult question: Is there true progress in history? (He meant ethical progress in freedom, not just material development.) He conceded that actual history is confused and allows for no clear proof: Think how the 20th century brought unprecedented democracy and welfare, but also the Holocaust and gulag.

Nonetheless, Kant concluded that, although progress cannot be proven, we can discern signs that indicate progress is possible. Kant interpreted the French Revolution as a sign that pointed toward the possibility of freedom: The hitherto unthinkable happened, a whole people fearlessly asserted their freedom and equality. For Kant, even more important than the — often bloody — reality of what went on in the streets of Paris was the enthusiasm that those events engendered in sympathetic observers all around Europe:

The recent Revolution of a people which is rich in spirit, may well either fail or succeed, accumulate misery and atrocity, it nevertheless arouses in the heart of all spectators (who are not themselves caught up in it) a taking of sides according to desires which borders on enthusiasm and which, since its very expression was not without danger, can only have been caused by a moral disposition within the human race.

One should note here that the French Revolution generated enthusiasm not only in Europe, but also in faraway places like Haiti, where it triggered another world-historical event: The first revolt of Black slaves, who fought for full participation in the emancipatory project of the French Revolution. Arguably the most sublime moment of the French Revolution occurred when the delegation from Haiti, led by Toussaint l’Ouverture, visited Paris and was enthusiastically received at the Popular Assembly as equals among equals.

Obama’s victory belongs to this line; it is a sign of history in the triple Kantian sense ofsignum rememorativum, demonstrativum, prognosticum. That is, it is a sign in which the memory of the long past of slavery and the struggle for its abolition reverberates; an event which now demonstrates a change; a hope for future achievements. No wonder that Hegel, the last great German Idealist, shared Kant’s enthusiasm in his description of the impact of the French Revolution:

This was accordingly a glorious mental dawn. All thinking beings shared in the jubilation of this epoch. Emotions of a lofty character stirred men’s minds at that time; a spiritual enthusiasm thrilled through the world, as if the reconciliation between the divine and the secular was now first accomplished.

Did Obama’s victory not give birth to the same universal enthusiasm all around the world, with people dancing on the streets from Chicago to Berlin to Rio de Janeiro? All the skepticism displayed behind closed doors even by many worried progressives (what if, in the privacy of the voting booth, publicly disavowed racism reemerges?) was proven wrong.

There is one thing about Henry Kissinger, the ultimate cynical Realpolitiker, that strikes the eye of all observers: How utterly wrong most of his predictions were. To take only one example, when news reached the West about the 1991 anti-Gorbachev military coup, he immediately accepted the new regime (which ignominiously collapsed three days later) as a fact. In short, when socialist regimes were already a living dead, Kissinger was counting on a long-term pact with them.

The position of the cynic is that he alone holds some piece of terrible, unvarnished wisdom. The paradigmatic cynic tells you privately, in a confidential low-key voice: “But don’t you get it that it is all really about (money/power/sex), that all high principles and values are just empty phrases which count for nothing?” What the cynics don’t see is their own naivety, the naivety of their cynical wisdom that ignores the power of illusions.

The reason Obama’s victory generated such enthusiasm is not only the fact that, against all odds, it really happened, but that the possibility of such a thing to happen was demonstrated. The same goes for all great historical ruptures. Recall the fall of the Berlin Wall: Although we all knew about the rotten inefficiency of the Communist regimes, we somehow did not “really believe” that they will disintegrate. Like Kissinger, we were all too much victims of cynical pragmatism.

This attitude is best encapsulated by the French expression “je sais bien, mais quand meme” (I know very well that it can happen, but nonetheless… I cannot really accept that it can happen). This is why, although Obama’s victory was clearly predictable at least for the last two weeks before the election, his actual victory was still experienced as a shock. In some sense, the unthinkable did happen, something that we really didn’t believe could happen. (Note that there is also a tragic version of the unthinkable really taking place: holocaust, gulag… how can one really accept that something like that could happen?)

The true battle begins now, after the victory: The battle for what this victory will effectively mean, especially within the context of two other much more ominous signs of history: 9/11 and the financial meltdown. Nothing was decided by Obama’s victory, but his victory widens our freedom and thereby the scope of our decisions. But regardless of whether we succeed or fail, Obama’s victory will remain a sign of hope in our otherwise dark times, a sign that the last word does not belong to “realist” cynics, be they from the Left or the Right.

In These Times, November 13, 2008.

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Kertesz: Mondrian’s Glasses and Pipe

by on Jun.25, 2009, under photography

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Jumpin’ Jack flash

by on Jun.25, 2009, under music

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Fast Tube by
Casper">Looking cool in b&w


Fast Tube by
Casper">Looking weird in colour

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Shopping for Burkas

by on Jun.25, 2009, under philosophy, politics, society

Sarko: victim of liberal ideology

burkaSarkozy, the President of the French Republic, says that the burka has no place in France because it represents the oppression of women. For this, liberals have applauded him for defending secular values in France.

But he has no plans to ban veils on nuns or legislate to force the Catholic church to allow women priests. This might be because there are more Catholic voters than Muslims ones in France;  or that he wants to look strong on an issue where he doesn’t have to spend money. But perhaps that is too cynical.

There is another issue I’d like to raise in connection with Sarko’s pronouncement. Sarko’s view seems to be that even if a woman says she wants to wear a burka, it is still somehow not a free choice. This is because of ideology, or to be cruder, ‘brainwashing’ – the notion that the mind has been so externally affected that apparently free choices are in some sense forced.  This may be true.

So: a liberal (male) politician is going to tell a woman she can’t wear what she likes because she is being told what to wear by (muslim) men.  It’s hard to be sure where this approach will end: a dress code  like they have in Saudi Arabia but with different rules, perhaps.

But Sarko knows what’s best for them, and wants to make them do it. This is paternalism, of course, something liberals are supposed to be against. I wish some of my liberal friends would consider this  before inveighing against so-called patriarchal islamic ideology. Not liking the burka can’t be a liberal justification for banning it.  Or perhaps their ‘tolerance’ for diversity means only: ‘you can be different, but not too different;  if you are  too different  we’ll make you conform’.

An alternative might be to drop the idea that freedom is revealed by the choices people actually make. I’m quite ready to go along with this, provided it isn’t restricted to the choices made by Muslim women. How many of our choices are truly ‘free’? The main ideological driver in ‘the liberal west’ is surely capitalism – with consumerism as the classic example of the addictive lifestyle which, unlike the burka, is regularly described as an unfree state by its victims. For a ‘liberal’ to  focus on sartorial choices that don’t harm others, while ignoring the real status of our abstract  ’freedoms’ is to act in bad faith. Or to be the victim of ideology – which is it, M. Sarko?

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Kertesz: Pictures

by on Jun.25, 2009, under photography

Photographs by Kertesz

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Patrimoine photographique / 19, rue RŽaumur 75003 Paris

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Francisco de Zurbaran: Still life with Lemons

by on Jun.24, 2009, under art

zurbaran-still-life

Zurbaran: Still Life with Lemons

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Helen Bamber: someone to admire – and emulate, if you can

by on Jun.24, 2009, under politics, society

Helen Bamber

Photograph: Helen Bamber in Belsen, 1945

She calls herself “a witness to the vulnerability of humanity”. From her home in north London, a pint-sized divorcee has emerged as one of the world’s most prominent campaigners against the very worst type of personal suffering, that of deliberate and coldly calculated torture.

For more than half a century, Helen Bamber has devoted her life to the care of survivors of horror and violence. In 1985 she created the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture. Its very name, says Bamber’s biographer Neil Belton, tells us “more than most of us wish to hear”. She and her colleagues have provided therapy to more than 30,000 people, from more than 90 countries.

The “Good Listener”

Bamber has never had any formal training, but believes the most important part of her work is to “listen to clients for as long as they wish or can bear to talk”. The title of Belton’s book about her is The Good Listener, a neat summary of her life and work.

Bamber believes the world is divided into two types, bystanders who see only what they want, and proper witnesses who observe and record the truth. She joined the latter group in 1945, when she volunteered to go into the concentration camp of Belsen to help with the physical and psychological recovery of Holocaust survivors.

As a 19-year-old girl, Bamber found herself on the receiving end of some of the worst human horror stories imaginable. She has described the survivors there who “would dig their fingers into your arms and hold on to you to get to you the horror of what had happened.”

Moving on from Amnesty

This tenacious teenager returned to London to work with children who had survived the camps, and later joined Amnesty International, where she worked to expose torture regimes in such countries as Chile and Argentina.

It became increasingly apparent that the AI brief to expose these regimes and look after its victims was too wide, and Bamber saw a greater need for individual care. She was moved to create her own foundation, where the role of therapist is “to receive, not to recoil” and often “simply sit rocking somebody while they tell their story”.

Never moved to tears by these tales, Bamber remains strangely affected by the sound of survivors singing together. It reminds her of “what capacity people have for creativity and what’s denied them”.

Bamber sits on human rights committees from Belfast to Gaza. Former hostage John McCarthy is impressed by her energy and power, her combination of compassion and determination.

Unusual childhood reading

He believes her work must require a certain anger. Bamber admits to this fuel for her gruelling schedule, and the source of it may be found in her childhood. Born to Jewish parents of Polish descent, young Helen grew up in a house where the Nazi threat was overpowering.

Her father read her sections of Mein Kampf to remind her of the evil in the world, and she has described a sense of constant foreboding. Her trip to Belsen was about overcoming her own fears.

Bamber has since dedicated her life to helping others do the same, and describes a sense of satisfaction in helping people learn to live again. And as to what really drives her on, she explains that even in the midst of such evil and suffering, or perhaps especially in such places, “there’s something very good to be retrieved from people”.


Caroline Frost


http://www.bbc.co.uk/bbcfour/documentaries/profile/helen_bamber.shtml

BBC – BBC Four Profile – Helen Bamber.

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Portrait of Edouard Manet by Henri Fantin-Latour

by on Jun.24, 2009, under art

Portrait of Edouard Manet by Henri Fantin-Latour

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Manet – The painter of modern life and a great flaneur.

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Shock as ‘Guardian’ journalist invokes Hegel!

by on Jun.24, 2009, under philosophy, politics, society

This is quite interesting! I just wish Mr Jeffries had taken the Hegel a little further: there’s a lot more to his philosophy of freedom than is intimated here. Still, it’s a pleasure to see anyone noticing that liberal ideas of ‘negative freedom’ are a bit inadequate, to say the least.

hegel

Brush up your Hegel, Sarko

Monsieur Président’s burka outburst suggests he can’t tell his abstract and concrete freedoms apart

Stuart Jeffries

Nicolas Sarkozy’s problem is that he hasn’t read enough Hegel. Let me rephrase that: one of his problems is that he hasn’t read enough Hegel. When the French president told a special session of parliament in Versailles earlier this week, “We cannot accept to have in our country women who are prisoners behind netting, cut off from all social life, deprived of identity”, he would have done better to hold his tongue, and instead reflect on that passage in the Philosophy of Right in which Hegel distinguishes between abstract and concrete freedom.

The former means the freedom to do whatever you want, which, as you know, is the basis of western civilisation and why you can choose between 23 different kinds of coffee in your local cafe, or 32 different kinds of four-inch wedges the glossies tell you look sexy this summer but in none of which you can walk comfortably. Such is the freedom of late capitalism, which seems to systematically strive to deprive us of an identity that we might construct ourselves.

For Hegel this isn’t real freedom, because our wants and desires are determined by society. By those lights, a western fashion victim is as much a sartorial prisoner as a woman in a burka.

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Neither is really free. Those that must buy what someone else tells them are this season’s must-haves are as much in mental chains as those who put on head-to-toe garment with netting for the eyes because of the strictures of the society to which they belong.

By real freedom, Hegel meant not doing whatever one wants but having the freedom from societal conditioning and the fatuous whirl of desires by using reason. If you come across someone who manages to be really free in this sense in either capitalistic or strict Islamic society then send me their names so we can celebrate their escape.

None of us is really free in that sense. I used to think otherwise. I once wrote an article under the headline “If only we were more like the French: Call me a chippy atheist, but I’d rather see a headscarf ban than Muslim ghettoes.” I thought forcibly liberating people from their mental and sartorial shackles would make us free. I was wrong. Now I believe the creation of Muslim ghettoes is made more likely by official displays of intolerance towards what some Muslim women wear, that the social integration France overtly seeks through its policy of laïcité, or secularism, is less likely. One of the reasons for this shift is because of thinking about what Hegel means about freedom in thesociety to which I belong.

Yes, but, you might well want to say, surely women who wear burkas are more oppressed than those who treat the sartorial laws of Grazia as though they were truly the words of God (which, as you know, they are)? None of what I’ve said means that I feel anything but depressed when I see a woman in a burka, but that’s my problem, something that I can’t resolve in the way Sarkozy suggests. What’s striking in Sarkozy’s speech is that it is yet again a man who denounces women and presumes that they are cut off from social life. They may be cut off from Sarkozy’s secular French society, and that may be difficult for allegedly tolerant western liberals, but they are not cut off from all society. In fact they’re very much part of the society that many westerners despise as oppressing women.

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Sarkozy’s remarks, though they’re bound to upset some of France’s five million Muslims, are consistent with French revolutionary culture and the tradition of laïcité that led, in 2004, to the banning of headscarfs in French schools. Doesn’t he realise then that his speech exemplifies an abstract freedom of expression which, in Hegelian terms, proceeds from social conditioning, not reason? It seems unlikely. For French political culture, religion is tolerable only if it keeps itself to itself. As soon as a person of faith tries to present what religion means for them in public in France, they risk being accused of fundamentalism.

Sarkozy now goes further, following revolutionary logic in not just chasing those who dress in ways he and French political culture finds intolerable out of public spaces, but pursuing those who dress in a way that is a rejection of western values even into their private worlds. He said: “The burka is not a sign of religion, it is a sign of subservience. It will not be welcome on the territory of the French republic.” Even religious justification is bad enough, run the suppressed premises of this argument, but the absence of such despicable justifications is worse.

The woman in a burka is revealed as subservient to patriarchal culture. She must be made free to choose to be more western. Sarkozy proposes, in giving his backing to the establishment ofa parliamentary commission to look at whether to ban the wearing of burkas in public, that such imposed freedom would improve her lot.

French venerate such abstract freedoms. We needn’t. They were, for Hegel, the basis of the revolution’s collapse into the Terror in which, he argued, individuals were sacrificed to the ill-conceived pursuit of abstract freedoms. Sarkozy is thus a modern-day Robespierre, proposing some women – whom he presumes to have been silenced by patriarchal society and whose voices he doesn’t want to hear –be terrorised in the name of the kind abstract freedoms France has venerated for 210 years. Let’s see if he succeeds.

Brush up your Hegel, Sarko | Stuart Jeffries | Comment is free | The Guardian.

illich-quote

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Manet: Bar at the Folies Bergeres 1881

by on Jun.23, 2009, under art

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Kierkegaard: The Present Age

by on Jun.23, 2009, under philosophy, society

3dGlasses512

Excerpts from The Present Age (1846)

The present age is one of understanding, of reflection, devoid of passion, an age which flies into enthusiasm for a moment only to decline back into indolence….

..When first a clever society makes concrete reality into nothing, then the Media creates that abstraction, “the public,” which is filled with unreal individuals, who are never united nor can they ever unite simultaneously in a single situation or organization, yet still stick together as a whole. The public is a body, more numerous than the people which compose it, but this body can never be shown, indeed it can never have only a single representation, because it is an abstraction. Yet this public becomes larger, the more the times become passionless and reflective and destroy concrete reality; this whole, the public, soon embraces everything. . . .

The public is not a people, it is not a generation, it is not a simultaneity, it is not a community, it is not a society, it is not an association, it is not those particular men over there, because all these exist because they are concrete and real; however, no single individual who belongs to the public has any real commitment; some times during the day he belongs to the public, namely, in those times in which he is nothing; in those times that he is a particular person, he does not belong to the public. Consisting of such individuals, who as individuals are nothing, the public becomes a huge something, a nothing, an abstract desert and emptiness, which is everything and nothing. . . .

The Media is an abstraction (because a newspaper is not concrete and only in an abstract sense can be considered an individual), which in association with the passionlessness and reflection of the times creates that abstract phantom, the public, which is the actual leveller. . . . More and more individuals will, because of their indolent bloodlessness, aspire to become nothing, in order to become the public, this abstract whole, which forms in this ridiculous manner: the public comes into existence because all its participants become third parties. This lazy mass, which understands nothing and does nothing, this public gallery seeks some distraction, and soon gives itself over to the idea that everything which someone does, or achieves, has been done to provide the public something to gossip about. . . . The public has a dog for its amusement. That dog is the Media. If there is someone better than the public, someone who distinguishes himself, the public sets the dog on him and all the amusement begins. This biting dog tears up his coat-tails, and takes all sort of vulgar liberties with his leg–until the public bores of it all and calls the dog off. That is how the public levels

Søren Kierkegaard

SorenKierkegaard11

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Baudelaire: From ‘Les Fleurs du Mal’

by on Jun.23, 2009, under poetry

Charles Baudelaire

From Les Fleurs du Mal

(The Flowers of Evil)

(French followed by translation)

baudelaire500

Au Lecteur

La sottise, l’erreur, le péché, la lésine,
Occupent nos esprits et travaillent nos corps,
Et nous alimentons nos aimables remords,
Comme les mendiants nourrissent leur vermine.

Nos péchés sont têtus, nos repentirs sont lâches;
Nous nous faisons payer grassement nos aveux,
Et nous rentrons gaiement dans le chemin bourbeux,
Croyant par de vils pleurs laver toutes nos taches.

Sur l’oreiller du mal c’est Satan Trismégiste
Qui berce longuement notre esprit enchanté,
Et le riche métal de notre volonté
Est tout vaporisé par ce savant chimiste.

C’est le Diable qui tient les fils qui nous remuent!
Aux objets répugnants nous trouvons des appas;
Chaque jour vers l’Enfer nous descendons d’un pas,
Sans horreur, à travers des ténèbres qui puent.

Ainsi qu’un débauché pauvre qui baise et mange
Le sein martyrisé d’une antique catin,
Nous volons au passage un plaisir clandestin
Que nous pressons bien fort comme une vieille orange.

Serré, fourmillant, comme un million d’helminthes,
Dans nos cerveaux ribote un peuple de Démons,
Et, quand nous respirons, la Mort dans nos poumons
Descend, fleuve invisible, avec de sourdes plaintes.

Si le viol, le poison, le poignard, l’incendie,
N’ont pas encor brodé de leurs plaisants dessins
Le canevas banal de nos piteux destins,
C’est que notre âme, hélas! n’est pas assez hardie.

Mais parmi les chacals, les panthères, les lices,
Les singes, les scorpions, les vautours, les serpents,
Les monstres glapissants, hurlants, grognants, rampants,
Dans la ménagerie infâme de nos vices,

II en est un plus laid, plus méchant, plus immonde!
Quoiqu’il ne pousse ni grands gestes ni grands cris,
Il ferait volontiers de la terre un débris
Et dans un bâillement avalerait le monde;

C’est l’Ennui! L’oeil chargé d’un pleur involontaire,
II rêve d’échafauds en fumant son houka.
Tu le connais, lecteur, ce monstre délicat,
— Hypocrite lecteur, — mon semblable, — mon frère!

Charles Baudelaire

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To the Reader

Folly and error, avarice and vice,
Employ our souls and waste our bodies’ force.
As mangey beggars incubate their lice,
We nourish our innocuous remorse.

Our sins are stubborn, craven our repentance.
For our weak vows we ask excessive prices.
Trusting our tears will wash away the sentence,
We sneak off where the muddy road entices.

Cradled in evil, that Thrice-Great Magician,
The Devil, rocks our souls, that can’t resist;
And the rich metal of our own volition
Is vaporised by that sage alchemist.

The Devil pulls the strings by which we’re worked:
By all revolting objects lured, we slink
Hellwards; each day down one more step we’re jerked
Feeling no horror, through the shades that stink.

Just as a lustful pauper bites and kisses
The scarred and shrivelled breast of an old whore,
We steal, along the roadside, furtive blisses,
Squeezing them, like stale oranges, for more.

Packed tight, like hives of maggots, thickly seething
Within our brains a host of demons surges.
Deep down into our lungs at every breathing,
Death flows, an unseen river, moaning dirges.

If rape or arson, poison, or the knife
Has wove no pleasing patterns in the stuff
Of this drab canvas we accept as life —
It is because we are not bold enough!

Amongst the jackals, leopards, mongrels, apes,
Snakes, scorpions, vultures, that with hellish din,
Squeal, roar, writhe, gambol, crawl, with monstrous shapes,
In each man’s foul menagerie of sin —

There’s one more damned than all. He never gambols,
Nor crawls, nor roars, but, from the rest withdrawn,
Gladly of this whole earth would make a shambles
And swallow up existence with a yawn…

Boredom! He smokes his hookah, while he dreams
Of gibbets, weeping tears he cannot smother.
You know this dainty monster, too, it seems —
Hypocrite reader! — You! — My twin! — My brother!

— Roy Campbell, Poems of Baudelaire (New York: Pantheon Books, 1952)

The Entire text of Les Fleurs du Mal here

& for some  more Baudelairian activities try The Flaneur

baudelairetoile

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